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dc.contributor.authorÜnal Logacev, Özlem
dc.contributor.authorZygis, Marzena
dc.contributor.authorFuchs, Susanne
dc.date.accessioned2019-12-19T12:21:37Z
dc.date.available2019-12-19T12:21:37Z
dc.date.issued2019en_US
dc.identifier.citationÜnal, L. Ö., Fuchs, S. ve Zygis, M. (2019). Phonetics and phonology of soft 'g' in Turkish. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 49(2), 183-206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0025100317000317en_US
dc.identifier.issn00251003
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0025100317000317
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12511/4554
dc.description.abstractThe present study aims to approach soft 'g', a highly disputable sound in Turkish phonetics and phonology, from a multidimensional perspective by (i) analysing its historical development, (ii) investigating its distribution in a dictionary of Modern Turkish, and (iii) studying its acoustic realization. In the Ottoman script soft 'g' was represented with two letters: <'Greek passage'>, pronounced [γ], was used in the context of preceding back vowels Vback (Vback, C); <'Greek passage'>, pronounced [j], was used in the context of preceding front vowels Vfront(Vfront, C). In 1928, due to a reform in orthography, these two vocalic contexts were obscured by replacing both <'Greek passage'> and <'Greek passage'> with <'Greek passage'>. Our investigation of the distribution of /ǧ/ in the native vocabulary of Modern Turkish reveals that /ǧ/ is in complementary distribution with /g/: /ǧ/ appears word-finally and word-medially (i.e. syllable-finally Vǧ.C and intervocalically V.ǧV), while /g/ is found word-initially and word-medially (i.e. syllable-initially when following a consonant C.ǧV). However, in loan words which are well assimilated into Turkish by means of phono-morphological rules the complementary distribution is not attested. Moreover, the behavior of soft 'g' in phonological processes strongly suggests that the sound is part of the phonemic inventory of Turkish. Finally, the results of our two acoustic experiments show that /ǧ/ is phonetically manifested in the lengthening of the preceding vowel (/Vǧ/ → [V:]) independently of the surrounding vowel environment, word position, and participant age. In addition, the results indicate that speakers of Modern Turkish do not realize acoustic properties of a velar gesture.en_US
dc.language.isoengen_US
dc.publisherCambridge University Pressen_US
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/closedAccessen_US
dc.subjectPhoneticsen_US
dc.subjectPhonologyen_US
dc.subjectSoft 'G'en_US
dc.titlePhonetics and phonology of soft 'g' in Turkishen_US
dc.typearticleen_US
dc.relation.ispartofJournal of the International Phonetic Associationen_US
dc.departmentİstanbul Medipol Üniversitesi, Sağlık Bilimleri Fakültesi, Dil ve Konuşma Terapisi Bölümüen_US
dc.identifier.volume49en_US
dc.identifier.issue2en_US
dc.identifier.startpage183en_US
dc.identifier.endpage206en_US
dc.relation.publicationcategoryMakale - Uluslararası Hakemli Dergi - Kurum Öğretim Elemanıen_US
dc.identifier.doi10.1017/S0025100317000317en_US
dc.identifier.wosqualityQ3en_US
dc.identifier.scopusqualityQ1en_US


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